Saturday, June 26, 2010

A District Each for Arroyo & Andaya

A District Each for Arroyo & Andaya

In upholding the creation of a representative district for Dato Arroyo and Rolly Andaya, (yes, that is what R.A. 9176 succeeds in doing), the Supreme Court cited the juggling of populations by the Constitutional Commission when it first divided the country into representative districts. Of course, the Constitutional Commission could juggle and put almost anything into the draft they were working on. After all, the Commission’s work still had to be submitted to the people for approval. But not everything that the Constitutional Commission could do may be done by Congress. Congress is bound not by what the Constitutional Commission did but by what the Constitution says.

The Constitution says that there are five standards for the creation of representative districts.

First, representative districts shall be “apportioned among the provinces, cities and the Metropolitan Manila in accordance with the number of their respective inhabitants and on the basis of a uniform and progressive ratio.” This requirement or its equivalent formula is found in the 1935, 1973 and 1987 Constitutions.

Second, each province, irrespective of size, is entitled to at least one representative district. This too is found in all three Constitutions.

Third, a city can constitute a representative district only if it has a population of at least 250,000. This requirement appears only in the 1987 Constitution.

Fourth, each representative district shall comprise, as far as practicable, contiguous and compact territory. This too is in all three Constitutions.

Fifth, the 1935 Constitution says: “The Congress shall by law make an apportionment within three years after the return of every enumeration, and not otherwise.” The 1987 version says:Within three years following the return of every census, the Congress shall make a reapportionment of legislative districts based on the standards provided in this section.”

Of these five standards, the first holds preeminent position. It is the equal protection clause of the Bill of Rights made specific for districts. The others are auxiliary requisites intended to assure observance of the first requisite. It is thus most important that the meaning of the first requisite be understood and that Congress observe it. What does it mean?

The phrase “in accordance with the number of their respective inhabitants and on the basis of a uniform and progressive ratio” is borrowed from American constitutional law and jurisprudence. But it has become necessarily ours because of the American provenance of our basic constitutional law and especially because it is rooted in the equal protection clause. As American jurisprudence clearly teaches, “the fundamental principle of representative government in this country is one of equal representation for equal numbers of people, without regard to race, sex, economic status, or place of residence within a State.” Or again: “We hold that, as a basic constitutional standard, the Equal Protection Clause requires that the [legislative] seats . . . must be apportioned on a population basis. Simply stated, an individual's right to vote for state legislators is unconstitutionally impaired when its weight is in a substantial fashion diluted when compared with votes of citizens living in other parts of the State.”

Dilution is exactly what happened in the Camarines Sur case. Camarines Sur had four representative districts each containing roughly 400,000 inhabitants. Of these the largest was the second district with 474,899, followed by the fourth district with 429,070, and next the first district with 417,304. R.A. 9716 decided to divide the smallest of the three into two districts thereby accommodating Dato Arroyo and Rolando Andaya. As a consequence, the smaller original third district would now be represented by two congressmen whereas the two larger districts would be represented by only one each. 474,899 and 429,070 voters voters can elect only one congressman each whereas 417,304 can elect two! Translate that into pork barrel! What could be more blatantly discriminatory?

The ponencia says that population is not the only thing. Yes, but it is the main thing because sovereignty is in the population. The ponencia did not show nor could it show any other factor to outweigh the sovereignty of population.

The ponenca also makes much of the fact that the text of the Constitution expressly provides a population minimum of 250,000 only for cities. True, but an overriding principle is proportionality and equality of population found in the first standard. For cities, 250,000 is the strict mathematical minimum, as upheld in the recent Malolos case. For others, the standard is not a mathematical minimum but proportionality which honors the equal protection clause. The only units exempted from proportionality are provinces.

What we have here is a Supreme Court approved assault on the equal protection clause. It is an assault which inflicts a deep wound on our democratic system.

Finally, what of the command that Congress make a reapportionment within three years after the return of every census? Its purpose is to periodically readjust proportionality. This purpose, however, is defeated by piecemeal reapportionment such as the recent one of Camarines Sur. Piecemeal reapportionment is a direct assault against equal protection. For this reason, reapportionment should only be done nationwide. Unfortunately piecemeal reapportionment continues to have the blessing of the Supreme Court. A deliberate act of Congress creating disproportion and blessed by the Supreme Court is not only unconstitutional but also disgraceful.

11 April 2010

Reapportionment in Malolos & Elsewhere

Since the 2010 elections are coming, it is understandable that politicians are struggling to position themselves as favorably for themselves as possible. One method being used is the creation of representative districts. I wish that some of the controversial cases on this subject, for instance, those in Malolos and in Camarines Sur, would reach the Supreme Court for final resolution. What are the constitutional principles at stake?

First, a representative district must consist of “contiguous, compact, and adjacent territory.” But this is not an absolute rule because this is required only “as far as practicable.”

Second, when a province is created, a new representative district is automatically created no matter how small the population is.

Third, when a city is created or its population increases, it is entitled to form a representative district provided that the city has a population of at least 250,000. For purposes of determining the population size, the latest official census report is used, even if, as the Court said in 1961, the report is not yet final. This is important for what is happening in Malolos.

More problematic is the question of creation of representative districts independently of the creation of a province or city. This is happening, for instance, in Camarines Sur where a President's son is involved.

What makes this problematic is that the Constitution does not put down a minimum number. But the Constitution imposes a fourth principle based not on numbers but on proportionality. The rule says that legislative districts are "apportioned among the provinces, cities, and the Metropolitan Manila area in accordance with the number of their respective inhabitants, and on the basis of uniform and progressive ratio."

What this fourth principle means is that uniformity should be maintained among the provinces such that a province with a large population should have proportionally more districts than smaller provinces. Corollarily the various districts should be of approximately the same population size so that the vote of every person will be of equal weight. The basis of this rule is the concept of equality of representation which is a basic principle of republicanism. One man’s vote should carry as much weight as the vote of every other man. In a representative system, this equality is ensured by requiring that the district representatives should represent as nearly as possible an equal number of constituents.

The constitutional provision was used in a 1961.. The Court said that Republic Act 3040 violated the Constitution "because (a) it gave Cebu seven members while Rizal with a larger number of inhabitants got four only; (b) it gave to Manila four members, while Cotabato with a bigger population got three only; (c) Pangasinan with less inhabitants than both Manila and Cotabato got more than both, five members having been assigned to it; (d) Samar (with 871,857) was allotted four members while Davao with 903,224 got three only; (e) Bulacan with 557,691 got two only, while Albay with less inhabitants (515,601) got three, and (f) Misamis Oriental with 387,839 was given one member only, while Cavite with less inhabitants (379,904) got two. These were not the only instances of unequal apportionment. We see that Mountain Province has three whereas Isabela, Laguna and Cagayan with more inhabitants have two each. And then Capiz, La Union and Ilocos Norte got 2 each whereas Sulu that has more inhabitants got 1 only. And Leyte with 967,323 inhabitants got 4 only whereas Iloilo with less inhabitants (966,145) was given five."

The Court concluded: "For all the foregoing we hereby reiterate our Resolution declaring Republic Act 3040 infringed the provisions of the Constitution and is therefore void."

What should be noticed in all of this is that, in determining the validity of the apportionment, the Supreme Court did not look only at the situation in once province. The approach was comparative. The intent of the Court was to preserve proportionality not just in one province but in the entire country. Republicanism, after all, is for the entire country.

Moreover, if equality of voting power of citizens is to be preserved, the individual districts themselves must be of approximately the same size in population. Thus, it is not enough to look into the size of districts in one province; additionally the districts in one province must also be compared with those of other provinces. For instance, in the case of Camarines Sur, what should be looked into is not just the size of the district purportedly intended for Dato Arroyo but also how it compares with other districts around the country.

This leads to a fifth principle: “Within three years following the return of every census, the Congress shall make a reapportionment of legislative districts based on the standards provided in this section.” This is in recognition of the fact that over the years the size of representative districts change because of births and population movements. But this periodic reapportionment commanded by the Constitution must be done nationwide and not piecemeal, as is happening now. Piecemeal reapportionment affecting only one province will necessary result in unconstitutional disproportion with provinces whose districts are not readjusted.

Finally, it should be obvious that the reapportionment done in one province should be the concern of all citizens because equality of representation is the concern of all. What the Court said in 1961 remains true: "Needless to say, equality of representation in the legislature being such an essential feature of republican institutions, and affecting so many lives, the judiciary may not with a clear conscience stand by to give free hand to the discretion of the political departments of the government."

Apportionment

Since the 2010 elections are coming, it is understandable that politicians are struggling to position themselves as favorably for themselves as possible. One method being used is the creation of representative districts. I wish that some of the controversial cases on this subject, for instance, those in Malolos and in Camarines Sur, would reach the Supreme Court for final resolution. What are the constitutional principles at stake?

First, a representative district must consist of “contiguous, compact, and adjacent territory.” But this is not an absolute rule because this is required only “as far as practicable.”

Second, when a province is created, a new representative district is automatically created no matter how small the population is.

Third, when a city is created or its population increases, it is entitled to form a representative district provided that the city has a population of at least 250,000. For purposes of determining the population size, the latest official census report is used, even if, as the Court said in 1961, the report is not yet final. This is important for what is happening in Malolos.

More problematic is the question of creation of representative districts independently of the creation of a province or city. This is happening, for instance, in Camarines Sur where a President's son is involved.

What makes this problematic is that the Constitution does not put down a minimum number. But the Constitution imposes a fourth principle based not on numbers but on proportionality. The rule says that legislative districts are "apportioned among the provinces, cities, and the Metropolitan Manila area in accordance with the number of their respective inhabitants, and on the basis of uniform and progressive ratio."

What this fourth principle means is that uniformity should be maintained among the provinces such that a province with a large population should have proportionally more districts than smaller provinces. Corollarily the various districts should be of approximately the same population size so that the vote of every person will be of equal weight. The basis of this rule is the concept of equality of representation which is a basic principle of republicanism. One man’s vote should carry as much weight as the vote of every other man. In a representative system, this equality is ensured by requiring that the district representatives should represent as nearly as possible an equal number of constituents.

The constitutional provision was used in a 1961.. The Court said that Republic Act 3040 violated the Constitution "because (a) it gave Cebu seven members while Rizal with a larger number of inhabitants got four only; (b) it gave to Manila four members, while Cotabato with a bigger population got three only; (c) Pangasinan with less inhabitants than both Manila and Cotabato got more than both, five members having been assigned to it; (d) Samar (with 871,857) was allotted four members while Davao with 903,224 got three only; (e) Bulacan with 557,691 got two only, while Albay with less inhabitants (515,601) got three, and (f) Misamis Oriental with 387,839 was given one member only, while Cavite with less inhabitants (379,904) got two. These were not the only instances of unequal apportionment. We see that Mountain Province has three whereas Isabela, Laguna and Cagayan with more inhabitants have two each. And then Capiz, La Union and Ilocos Norte got 2 each whereas Sulu that has more inhabitants got 1 only. And Leyte with 967,323 inhabitants got 4 only whereas Iloilo with less inhabitants (966,145) was given five."

The Court concluded: "For all the foregoing we hereby reiterate our Resolution declaring Republic Act 3040 infringed the provisions of the Constitution and is therefore void."

What should be noticed in all of this is that, in determining the validity of the apportionment, the Supreme Court did not look only at the situation in once province. The approach was comparative. The intent of the Court was to preserve proportionality not just in one province but in the entire country. Republicanism, after all, is for the entire country.

Moreover, if equality of voting power of citizens is to be preserved, the individual districts themselves must be of approximately the same size in population. Thus, it is not enough to look into the size of districts in one province; additionally the districts in one province must also be compared with those of other provinces. For instance, in the case of Camarines Sur, what should be looked into is not just the size of the district purportedly intended for Dato Arroyo but also how it compares with other districts around the country.

This leads to a fifth principle: “Within three years following the return of every census, the Congress shall make a reapportionment of legislative districts based on the standards provided in this section.” This is in recognition of the fact that over the years the size of representative districts change because of births and population movements. But this periodic reapportionment commanded by the Constitution must be done nationwide and not piecemeal, as is happening now. Piecemeal reapportionment affecting only one province will necessary result in unconstitutional disproportion with provinces whose districts are not readjusted.

Finally, it should be obvious that the reapportionment done in one province should be the concern of all citizens because equality of representation is the concern of all. What the Court said in 1961 remains true: "Needless to say, equality of representation in the legislature being such an essential feature of republican institutions, and affecting so many lives, the judiciary may not with a clear conscience stand by to give free hand to the discretion of the political departments of the government."